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Perceptions of rural versus urban 

Young people in rural areas make decisions about the future, i.e., whether to stay or move away from their home area, within a context of diverse societal issues, experiences and social norms with rural connotations. Rural areas are often associated with far fewer educational and labour market options compared to urban areas. Such decisions also relate to young people’s sense of belonging, family ties and identity (Rönnlund, 2019). However, the distinction between rural and urban is in many ways vanishing, especially when it comes to the homogenisation of culture and the watering down of traditions and “regional variations” (Bæck U.-D. 2004). This observation was first made in the 1980s, as information technologies began to lead to the characteristics of urban settings being mixed with those of rural areas, resulting in what Hompland called “rurbanisation” (1984 in Bæck, 2004). Indeed, in recent decades, rural and urban areas are becoming increasingly integrated, as products and services become more accessible, especially with regard to digital tools that provide greater access to the same consumer products and services online.
This suggests that the local community is no longer the primary normative centre (Bæck U.-D. 2004), and that the younger generations’ sense of cultural belonging and their future hopes and dreams are forged elsewhere. These hopes and dreams are no longer place-specific, but elastic (Barcus & Brunn, 2010), and may change over time (Mærsk, Aagaard Thuesen, & Haartsen., 2023). Seen through this lens, the exodus of young people, whose cultural identity goes beyond that of their local community, becomes more explicable, as “our rural areas have become tightly interwoven with the rest of the world” (Cras, 2018).
Young people’s hopes and dreams are not necessarily tied to a particular space, but they are arguably framed by their own perceptions of what rural areas are, and how they compare to urban areas. For example, a Danish study shows that young people with strong academic records tend to envision their future in a way that aspires to urban lifestyles, and feel that they need to “get out to get on” (Dalsgaard Pedersen & Gram, 2018, p. 621). The research reveals that these young people’s connections to their local rural surroundings are marked by a complex mix of emotions, encompassing both attachment and detachment, as well as feelings of pride and entrapment (Dalsgaard Pedersen & Gram, 2018). However, there is also evidence to the contrary. A Swedish study shows how young individuals connect with their hometowns, and explores the correlations between this connection and their envisioned spatial prospects, which give rise to a choice between remaining “local” or opting for migration. The outcomes reveal that a strong sense of belonging significantly shapes young people’s development of a local identity. Nevertheless, there is no obvious direct link between their identification with their hometown and their inclination to stay there. Instead, the perceived and narrated associations with their hometown and other places, in combination with material conditions, social interactions, and practices, all contribute to young people’s articulated perspectives regarding their spatial futures (Rönnlund, 2019).
The perception of rural and urban areas as either traditional or modern, and therefore as safe or exciting, prevails. While rural areas offer perceptions of togetherness and safety, urban areas represent excitement and individuality (Tönneis, 1963 in Bæck, 2004). In a more recent publication, Syssner (2018) elaborates on this dualism, describing the countryside as “condition” and the city as “process”; the latter embodying creativity, renewal and progress. Furthermore, as Syssner points out, the countryside becomes the base level against which modernity and urban areas are measured. The countryside therefore acts as an antonym to the city, representing tradition and (slow) continuity. 
While many depictions about the rural condition and ruralities tend to focus on the problems faced by rural people, rural areas are also often seen as embodying the good life and landscapes of leisure. The motivations and drivers that lead people to decide to stay in their home village or move away are not solely connected to imaginary spaces and symbolism. The depletion of welfare resources from peripheral communities is one of the key challenges faced by rural Nordic areas (Jonsson, Goicolea, Christiansson, B. Carson, & Wiklund, 2020). Different socio-economic groups have different possibilities and options when it comes to coping with or mitigating such processes.
Based on these considerations, young people who opt to stay in rural settings are often portrayed negatively as “left behind”, both literally and figuratively, and as such are seen as generally lacking in ambition and agency. They choose tradition and the slow life over excitement, progress and creativity. In a world where this type of perceived “upwards” mobility is synonymous with personal progress, to remain in one place is often seen as stagnating. However, new types of discourse point to staying as a potential privilege, and rural youth as possessing a particularly high degree of place-bound social and material capital – assuming that sufficient possibilities are available to them, as well as opportunities to pursue a sustainable lifestyle.

Defining rural areas in the Nordic Region

The definition and conceptualisation of “rural” varies greatly between the Nordic countries and self-governing territories (Lundgren et al., 2021). The definition spans complex questions based on differing preconditions, but also takes into account different statistical boundaries, such as population density, distance to public and commercial services, and labour market access (Lundgren, Nilsson, Norlén, & Tapia, 2020). Various classifications and typologies describing rural and urban areas have emerged among researchers and scholars, which accounts for the diversity of places and allows for more granular analyses beyond simple administrative boundaries. What counts as “rural” is therefore also relative to the particular context. However, the negative perceptions associated with this term remain. According to Cras (2018), the media and the public debate both seem to simplify the definition, and “rural” is often equated with the “rest of the country”. 
There are, however, some demographic, educational and economic characteristics that feature more prominently in rural areas in the Nordic Region. For example, rural areas have a higher old-age dependency ratio than their urban counterparts (Heleniak & Sánchez-Gassen, 2020). This is driven by both natural processes of population change and the migration of young people. Rural areas are also exposed to several types of population development trends that occur in parallel. An influx of new citizens from other countries, new types of labour markets spurred by the green transition and digitalisation that enable multi-locality or remote work, and spatially uneven demographic change (even within rural municipalities) are examples of processes that are ongoing in these areas. Common to all rural areas is the dependence on a demographic composition that enables a sustainable and vital working force and sufficient numbers for public service provision. 

Young people in Nordic rural policy discourse

The structures for youth participation vary between and within the Nordic countries and self-governing territories. Young people feature prominently in Nordic policy discourse, especially concerning education, the labour market, skills and competence development across the Nordic Region. They are also frequently mentioned in relation to culture, public transport and housing issues. Furthermore, most Nordic countries have youth councils at the municipal and regional level or use to varying degrees in different forums that facilitate youth participation in policy-making. Most, if not all, have some legislation pertaining to young people’s place in policy-making, and most rural policies incorporate “young people” as an underlying aspect of their formulation. While such initiatives represent positive attempts to elevate young people’s voices and needs, how can we ensure that young people are not only being allowed to speak their minds, but are also being heard?
Despite the Nordic countries’ long history of engagement with youth and social policy, the circumstances under which young people are able to exercise their rights and access services differ depending on geography and socio-economic circumstances (Șerban & Brazienė, 2021). Many rural municipalities in the Nordic Region are grappling with demographic trends such as ageing populations and the migration of young people to urban areas (particularly those aged 20–29), resulting in a less diversified labour market and fewer services (Karlsdottír et al., 2020). Encouraging young people to remain or settle in rural areas presents a challenge to rural municipalities, as cities and urban areas attract them with a greater variety of educational opportunities and employment prospects.
It is crucial to acknowledge the existence of a wide range of youth perspectives, and therefore a range of different viewpoints on rural life, its potential and its difficulties. Young people form a complex and varied demographic, and each individual has their own stories and aspirations. Recognising young people in policy-making processes can help to effectively tackle the challenge of young people leaving rural areas, and harness and enhance existing opportunities for those who stay. Evidence-based policy-making built on young people’s stories, wishes and visions for the future can help overcome the challenges currently faced by Nordic rural areas.