While most respondents rate the jobs relatively positively, only a small number expressed the wish to work in the listed job categories. Generally, the farming and veterinary professions were viewed most positively. This may be influenced by the inclusion of students from agricultural schools in the survey in some countries. However, this difference was also pronounced among students from upper secondary schools and further education schools.
It is important to note that young people are leaving rural areas for many different reasons. While study and career opportunities are significant factors, social networks, upbringing, the type of rural area, social norms and narratives about places, life phase-changes and the level of motivation for studying also play a part. Research indicates that young adults also leave rural areas due to the social stigma associated with being a “rural stayer”. This stigma is linked to perceptions of stagnation, conservatism and “un-coolness”.
Many young adults express a desire to return to or remain in rural areas if opportunities are made available to them. However, they often require a period away to gain the necessary “symbolic mobility capital”. It is common during the study-life phase for young adults to relocate to “find themselves”. However, they also tend to prioritise pursuing their studies in a location that is relatively close to their place of origin, although not necessarily in the same rural area.
As highlighted in the literature, rural areas may be associated with social disparity and mental health issues. The levels of some psychological disorders, such as anxiety, trauma, developmental and psychotic disorders are at least as high as in urban areas, but often with fewer resources to address them. Some social problems, such as suicide, alcohol abuse and chronic illness, are even more prevalent in rural communities, which can also contribute to the urban-rural divide.
In addition, the rural-urban divide can be understood as part of a broader issue of “geographies of discontent”, whereby feelings of deprivation in comparison to other social groups contribute to a rise in support for populist leaders and movements. In economically struggling or socially vulnerable regions, populist politics are often driven by feelings of resentment. The green transition may have intensified these sentiments in regions already marked by polarisation and stagnating economic development. For example, the reforms implemented in rural Sweden from the late 1970s to the 1990s, led to a notable reduction in services like basic education, healthcare facilities, unemployment offices and petrol stations, resulting in Sweden being described as a nation with stark contrasts between depopulated rural regions and growing urban centres. This trend is not unique to Sweden. Similar disparities in development between rural and urban areas have been reported in other European countries, the USA, China and elsewhere.
On the other hand, the green transition can result in increased employment opportunities within agriculture, fisheries and forestry through expansion of industries that provide biomaterials for energy. Overall, green transition policies are not anticipated to have significant adverse impacts on the Nordic national or personal economies and labour markets. This highlights the need for institutional settings that prioritise conditions for innovation and access to financial capital in these rural areas.
On a smaller scale, establishment of small-scale food enterprises that utilise cutting-edge technology, such as hydroponics or the cultivation of microalgae, offers new avenues for innovation. An example of this is Ocean Rainforest in the Faroe Islands, located remotely on one of the Islands, but attracting young people, particularly women with PhDs.
Furthermore, integration of agricultural practices into urban settings could also reduce entry barriers and encourage youth engagement, thereby fostering an atmosphere of innovation and acting as a catalyst for youth engagement in urban areas.
An examination of how young people transition from the education system to the labour market reveals that urban areas have greater potential among young people, with transition rates being almost three times higher than those observed in rural areas. Figure 10 presents indicators of the transition from education to occupation, showing the proportion of young people (aged 15–29) in rural and urban areas that have transitioned or are in the process of transitioning from education to employment. The indicator provides some insight into how efficiently and quickly young people enter the workforce after completing their studies, highlighting challenges like delayed employment, underemployment and skills mismatches.