Much attention has been granted to the question of housing during the pandemic, especially at the granular, social/psychological scale as residents change their expectations and demands on the home to meet a wider range of functions. As Gurstein (2023) argues, the home has reemerged “as a central unit in society with enhanced economic, educational, and social functions” (349). She also notes that, as home becomes more work-focused, more home-like amenities are introduced in workspaces. From a planning and policy perspective, housing plays a key role in providing citizens with basic needs, and the topic of housing is commonly referenced in the academic literature on remote work and spatial planning.
Attractive and affordable housing versus remote work effects on demand and property prices
In the Nordic case studies made in this project, attractive housing options and relative affordability compared to more densely populated areas were pointed out as main attraction factors of smaller towns and rural areas. However, civil servants identified housing as a dilemma because if remote workers, including second home owners, find small towns and rural areas more attractive, this may lead to increased housing prices, which has the potential to exclude parts of the permanent population from certain neighbourhoods. In rural areas, increased demand was also linked to renovation and use of empty housing (Granath Hansson & Guðmundsdóttir, 2024; Bogason et al., 2024-a). A previous survey also pointed to this result as local and regional actors indicated that “increased housing demand” followed by “rising property prices” were among the greatest challenges associated with population growth during the pandemic (Randall et al., 2022-b).
The international literature echoes these findings. In a paper written during the pandemic, Florida et al. (2023) points to dampened residential demand and lowered rents in central locations, as well as mixed developments of real estate prices. However, they caution that pandemic effects might be temporary and are difficult to disentangle from historically low interest rates and high savings. However, Mondragon and Wieland (2022) caution that increased housing demand related to higher levels of remote work in certain locations could drive prices also post-pandemic. According to Mondragon and Wieland (2022), there is a connection between migration, house prices, and remote work in the US context. When seeking larger homes, remote workers were seen moving towards smaller, more affordable communities. Sweet and Scott (2024) discuss previous research suggesting that remote work is likely to disconnect work from home, leading to a flatter density gradient, or even residential sprawl, as well as larger indoor and outdoor residential spaces. Further, they claim that place-based amenities are becoming more central to real estate markets. This is supported by McCue (2021) who argues that remote workers are likely to choose housing with amenities found in resource rich neighbourhoods.
In the context of Oslo and Helsinki, Di Marino et al. (2024) argue that possibilities for some to live multi-locally and move to more affordable areas may exacerbate inequality as those who do not enjoy this flexibility are trapped in more expensive areas. Researchers in Helsinki also note that remote working has influenced demand for larger apartments that facilitate remote work, especially for households containing two workers with the potential for remote work (Lönnqvist, cited in Sandell, 2022). Meanwhile, in Stockholm, researchers found that, compared to renters, homeowners were more likely to stay in Stockholm City rather than moving to suburban parts or outside of the region even if they had remote work potential (Eliasson, 2023). A survey conducted in Denmark showed that, of those moving to more remote areas during the pandemic, only a tenth was motivated by conditions created by the pandemic (Haunstrup Christensen et al., 2024). This group was younger and more highly educated than the average mover and was motived by larger dwellings with possibilities to work remotely as well as proximity to friends, family, and nature. A desire to live in areas with less inter-personal encounters was also a driving factor.
The Nordic case studies made by Nordregio (Granath Hansson & Guðmundsdóttir, 2024; Bogason et al., 2024-a) showed that an appropriate housing supply was deemed an essential issue in relation to the attraction and retention of remote and hybrid workers in both rural areas and smaller towns. Interviewees suggested that the possibility to have a larger home, preferably a house, for an affordable price is one of the most important reasons for people to choose to live in a smaller city or rural area. As a response, planners facilitated housing construction taking both quantity and a variation of housing types and sizes into consideration. In some of the towns, it was hypothesised that remote and hybrid workers would have higher education levels and salaries and, therefore, might create a demand for more expensive and higher standards of housing quality, which was not always easy to find in the present housing markets in these towns. Planners considered development of attractive, age-friendly housing as it might induce the elderly population to relocate and make single-family housing available to younger generations. Remote work trends were reported to have accelerated already planned housing development in some towns during the pandemic. However, interviewees in three towns brought up scarcity of suitable building land and competing interests—for example in relation to neighbours, second homes, and farming—as an issue.
The relationship between residential location of remote workers and travel behaviour
Granath Hansson and Guðmundsdóttir (2024) suggest that, as hybrid work has become the new normal, hybrid workers’ housing demand is more likely to be geared towards areas that have easy access to transportation nodes, although less so compared to population groups that commute every day. The need to travel regularly to a workplace indicates that the zone around larger towns that has the potential to attract hybrid workers will have its limits and be strongly linked to time and ease of travel. Further, demand for space might decrease as the need for a separate office space might be perceived as less important in a hybrid work format as compared to when all work is done remotely. The Swedish Regional Cooperation ÖMS reports a strong link between increased remote work and demand for housing in rural locations. The link to demand in urban areas is far less pronounced and mainly related to single-family housing (ÖMS, 2023). According to the report, it is possible that workers will be willing to live further away from their office space if they only commute 2-3 times per week. However, a 2022 survey of Nordic residents from Stockholm, Oslo, Copenhagen, and Helsinki also challenges the notion that remote work opportunities will make people more tolerant of longer commuting times. The qualitative survey results showed that the main reason people chose to move houses during the pandemic was to live closer to nature and other green areas, followed by living either closer to work or being able to better work from home. However, “of those who have moved, in all cities [Copenhagen, Helsinki, Oslo, and Stockholm], over 80% have moved closer to, or to the same distance [to their workplace] as their previous home” (Brand & Öhman, 2022, 23).