Challenges and opportunities: a multilevel governance perspective
Spatial planning in Finland operates according to a hierarchical system involving national, regional and local authorities. In land use planning, regulatory instruments are tied to a hierarchical three-tiered zoning plan system: the regional plan, the local master plan and local detailed zoning plans. The regional and local master plans are guided by national land use objectives, which are drawn up at the beginning of each government term. However, these do not have regulatory power over lower-level plans and, in general, Finnish municipalities are considered to have significant autonomy in spatial planning.
In the buildings and construction sector, the Ministry of the Environment establishes national building codes, energy efficiency standards and environmental impact regulations to promote sustainable construction. At the regional level, ELY Centres (Centres for Economic Development, Transport and the Environment) monitor compliance in terms of environmental impacts and heritage protection. At the local level, municipalities serve as the primary authorities for issuing building permits and supervising construction projects.
Policy capacity: vertical and horizontal governance tensions
Land use sector
Vertical governance tensions
In Finland, urban densification has been the guiding principle for planning on both the local and national level for over two decades. Since 2000, national guidelines have prioritised the consolidation of urban form, a focus that has been reinforced in recent years due to climate change mitigation aims. Central to the Finnish notion of “consolidation” is the development of urban areas within existing infrastructure. However, policy implementation has been weak, as urban sprawl continues across all major urban regions, including Tampere and Oulu (Ministry of the Environment, 2021)
To achieve climate neutrality in cities, coherent land use planning on the city-regional level is recognised as crucial, as settlement and commuting patterns drive emissions both within and outside city limits. While there is no dedicated authority operating at this level in Finland, there are a number of policy tools for coordination, with the most significant being the Land Use, Housing and Transport agreements (MAL agreements). These agreements are made between the state and municipalities in all the largest metropolitan regions in Finland. MAL agreements are contractual arrangements under which the state agrees to partially fund major infrastructure projects and municipalities agree to create city-regional planning frameworks and align their strategies for land use. The agreements are concluded for 12 years, but implementation plans and funding are renegotiated every four years – at the start of each government's term; that can make the implementation of some projects unpredictable. It should also be noted that these agreements do not hold statutory power over local zoning plans, meaning that there is no guarantee that local decision-makers will consistently adhere to the objectives set forth in the MAL agreements.
Horizontal governance tensions
In both Tampere and Oulu, the systematic adherence to master plans and other overarching strategies is a challenge. One weakness is the nature of planning decisions, with plans being approved on a case-by-case basis. More effective governance control could be achieved through stricter regulations but a prevailing anti-regulation stance at the national and local level makes this an unlikely solution. Indeed, in both municipalities, cooperation with the private sector is viewed as a more efficient solution than imposing stringent rules (Interviewee 12, 2024; Interviewee 15, 2024) . Moreover, the current government (Orpo’s Cabinet) has – as part of its austerity policies – retracted the legal requirement for municipalities to develop local climate strategies, which was introduced by the preceding government (Marin's Cabinet, 2019-2023). While this regulatory reversal has not led Oulu and Tampere to abandon their climate strategies, the frequent changes in regulations demonstrate the uncertainties and shifting priorities surrounding climate policies.
In Tampere, the densification and functional mix of the inner city have been advanced by the extensive land ownership of the municipality. Identifying optimal solutions is, however, complicated as different trade-offs must be weighed up. For instance, the ambitious goals for housing production necessitate the use of undeveloped land and green fields, as densification of urbanised areas is a slow process compared to the construction of new areas supplying the city with thousands of housing units (Interviewee 11, 2024). This, in fact, goes against densification principles of saving natural land.
Another challenge in horizontal governance is the growing conflict between various efforts to promote sustainable development. For instance, the rise in environmental regulations and detailed ecological surveys affects where housing can be developed, which can complicate plans for larger cohesive urban structures and densification goals. In Oulu, preservation of natural areas and habitats is clearly rising on the political agenda, sometimes at the expense of densification efforts (Interviewee 15, 2024). This is partly due to how impacts are assessed and communicated. While the consequences of land use on biodiversity and nature can be relatively predictable and immediate, climate impacts are compounded over longer periods of time, making each planning decision seem less consequential for policymakers.
In Oulu, the dispersed urban fabric presents inherent challenges, as increasing densification and energy efficiency in a large, sparsely populated municipality with long distances to the city centre requires systematic implementation and coordination. However, such systematic implementation has been strained by political priorities that contradict climate goals. A particular challenge is the political support for developing detached housing, which is considered essential for the city's vitality and attractiveness (Interviewee 15, 2024). This preference leads to urban expansion and inefficiencies in public transport coverage, as many households rely on multiple cars. That leads, in turn, to increased demand for parking spaces and road infrastructure – responsibilities that fall to the planning unit. Consequently, planning resources are often diverted towards addressing parking and road capacity concerns, detracting attention from long-term sustainability goals (Interviewee 15, 2024).
Buildings and construction sector.
Vertical governance tensions
Although Finnish municipalities have a high degree of autonomy in planning and have various tools at their disposal for incentivising sustainable construction, the existing legal framework limits the most ambitious efforts as municipalities cannot demand that private developers surpass the requirements of the law with respect to environmental targets.
The Land Use and Building Act (132/1999), which regulates the buildings sector in Finland, is being revised at the time of writing and is set to come into effect in 2025. The outcome of the revision is highly anticipated as it will introduce new rules related to carbon emissions, including procedural and technical requirements. Among municipal representatives there are concerns that the law may weaken climate efforts, as recent amendments have weakened some requirements and some of the stricter provisions are set to be postponed until 2026. Municipal representatives in both Tampere and Oulu considered it likely that the government will eliminate some of the stricter requirements to reduce construction costs (Interviewee 12, 2024; Interviewee 16, 2024).
This issue is highly relevant, as not all private developers would oppose stricter regulations. In fact, a recent study in Tampere found that private developers in the region would welcome stricter climate regulations if these were mandated by the city (Interviewee 12, 2024). As the private market does not encourage developers to make these changes voluntarily, the greatest step towards sustainable practices remains dependent on regulatory tools. It should also be noted that while the City of Tampere has high land ownership – enabling the city to realise many of its ambitions – the low municipal land ownership in Oulu makes progress even more reliant on private developers. Compared to other metropolitan areas in Finland, Oulu also faces lower building pressure, meaning the relatively low competition on Oulu’s private market leaves even fewer economic incentives to adopt sustainable practices (Interviewee 15, 2024).
Horizontal governance tensions
In terms of horizontal governance, representatives from both cities considered cross-departmental cooperation within their municipalities to be well-developed (Interviewee 12, 2024; Interviewee 16, 2024). Nevertheless, some conflicting interests arise due to the differing tasks and responsibilities of various units. Similarly to among representatives from the land use sector, such tensions were perceived not as conflicts but as an integral part of the working process (Interviewee 11, 2024; Interviewee 15, 2024).
A challenge related to conflicting interests is the difficulty in comparing different solutions with one another. For instance, in Tampere, the use of life cycle assessments (LCAs) may make the carbon reduction efforts of the public building unit appear ineffective (Interviewee 12, 2024). This is because LCAs assume a 50-year lifespan for buildings counting forwards, disregarding the actual longevity of older buildings, which may exceed 200 years. As a result, renovation efforts seem more carbon-intensive and expensive than the construction and maintenance of new buildings. Since a significant portion (roughly 70%) of the public construction budget is allocated to renovating older buildings – many of which are over a hundred years old and protected by heritage regulations – the building unit’s emission reduction efforts have been called into question. This example illustrates how standardised assessment methods can misrepresent the environmental impact of renovation versus new construction, potentially undervaluing the long-term sustainability benefits of preserving older buildings.
Moreover, architectural requirements for public buildings add complexity. The challenge often lies in the high construction costs associated with using the most sustainable materials, limiting municipalities’ ability to implement environmentally friendly solutions. While sustainable materials could reduce the carbon footprint of public buildings, their expense often exceeds public budget constraints.
Transport and mobility sector
Vertical governance
To support Finland's national goal of achieving carbon neutrality by 2035, a national 12-year traffic plan was drawn up in 2021. The plan outlines the largest infrastructure projects for the next 12 years and includes a yearly investment plan to support these initiatives. However, the actual budgets and implementation are subject to change, based on the political priorities of each government in office. The current government (Orpo’s Cabinet, 2023-present) has signalled a shift in focus towards improving road infrastructure to strengthen national security and economic growth.
At the same time, national subsidies for sustainable transport modes, such as walking, cycling and public transport, have been cut, impacting the ability of both cities to fully implement plans on sustainable mobility. As a result, municipalities are tasked with finding innovative ways to continue supporting sustainable transport initiatives despite reduced funding.
Horizontal governance
At the horizontal governance level, the main challenge in transport planning lies in balancing multiple objectives and finding common ground between different stakeholders' interests. While the city of Tampere has made considerable strides in developing sustainable transport services, decisions such as rejecting congestion charges or tolls highlight the political influences shaping Tampere's transport policies. While such measures could be part of the strategic toolkit, they currently lack political support both locally and nationally (Interviewee 13, 2024).
In Oulu, the dichotomy between promoting sustainable mobility and accommodating car use also causes tensions. Current strategic plans do not restrict car use or parking, reflecting the prevailing political stance that favours expansion of car capacity. This creates a challenging environment for advancing initiatives like walking, cycling and public transport, especially given Oulu’s extensive rural areas, where private car use is already predominant. While there is political consensus around the overall vision and general strategies for increasing sustainable mobility at the local and regional level, actual solutions remain elusive. For instance, a comprehensive plan to reduce road traffic in favour of improving walking and cycling infrastructure in the city centre was recently prepared by the transport planning unit, but was dismissed by the city council as the political majority opposes any limitations on passenger cars (Interviewee 17, 2024).
Moreover, the objectives for “efficient public transport” in Oulu remain vague as there is no political consensus on what public transport solution should be developed. Different options such as light rail and bus rapid transit systems have been discussed but are still awaiting a decision. In this context, the mandate for transport planning in Oulu is to facilitate the development of all mobility modes, ultimately reducing the potential capacity for public transport, walking and cycling. Lastly, efforts to expand air traffic and commercial flights to the city highlight tensions between achieving emissions goals and political decisions to enhance the vitality and appeal of Oulu.
Institutional capacity: knowledge, relational resources and mobilisation capacity.
Knowledge capacity
Tampere and Oulu demonstrate strong knowledge capacity in urban sustainability and climate action, but their approaches reflect their distinct regional contexts. Tampere, as a rapidly growing city, has developed a structured and data-driven approach to emissions monitoring. It was the first Finnish city to introduce a climate budget, integrating emission reduction into financial planning (City of Tampere, 2023). This approach allows for continuous monitoring, providing real-time emission tracking and progress indicators (City of Tampere, 2022). Moreover, Tampere has strengthened its in-house expertise in climate planning, hiring specialists in sustainable construction, energy efficiency and emissions assessment (Interviewee 10, 2024).
Oulu, as a smaller municipality, relies more on outsourced expertise for emissions assessments while gradually developing internal knowledge. While Oulu has well-developed internal competencies, limited political support for stricter regulations has led to fragmented efforts in climate adaptation, especially in land use and transport (Interviewee 17, 2024). However, Oulu has deep expertise in energy efficiency, enabling it to lead initiatives in energy-efficient construction and renewable heating solutions.
Relational Resources
Both cities are engaged in national and international climate networks, enabling them to share best practices and align with broader sustainability objectives. Tampere is a frontrunner city in Finland’s HINKU network, collaborating with other municipalities to achieve carbon neutrality by 2030 (Tampere City Region, 2019). It has also received an EU Mission Label as part of the Net Zero Cities programme, providing access to international funding and research initiatives (Interviewee 10, 2024). Additionally, Tampere participates in the Green Building Council Finland, influencing national sustainability standards (Interviewee 11, 2024).
Both cities are members of the C6 city network, which brings together Finland’s six largest cities (Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa, Tampere, Turku and Oulu) to collaborate, share best practices, coordinate climate measures and influence national policies. However, the network’s role differs between the cities. For Tampere, the network has strengthened the collaboration between Helsinki and Tampere, helping to leverage Tampere’s influence on national policies. While Oulu also benefits from the knowledge exchange, its geographical and economic context sets different pre-conditions. Unlike the other C6 cities, which are all located in southern and central Finland, the dispersed urban structures and lower population density in Northern Finland makes solutions less transferrable to Oulu (Interviewee 14, 2024). For instance, major state-funded public transport projects are more likely to be realised in the south as distances between urban areas are much shorter and the critical mass larger, highlighting the need for climate strategies and policy frameworks that account for different regional pre-conditions.
Public-private collaboration is another critical relational resource. In the construction sector, both cities prioritise cooperation when engaging the private sector in sustainability efforts (Interviewee 15, 2024; Interviewee 12, 2024). Tampere, for instance, hosts regular meetings with major contractors to encourage low-carbon construction, while Oulu integrates private sector engagement through Business Oulu, facilitating investment in sustainable development. By fostering these relationships, both cities position the private sector as an active partner in climate action, rather than a passive recipient of regulations.
Mobilisation Capacity
Mobilisation capacity – the ability to translate plans into action – varies between Tampere and Oulu. In Tampere, there is strong political consensus on climate action, with carbon neutrality embedded in city strategy and financial planning (City of Tampere, 2023). Its Carbon Neutral Tampere 2030 Roadmap integrates emission reduction across departments, ensuring cross-sectoral implementation (City of Tampere, 2022). Moreover, public ownership of 70% of urban land enables Tampere to influence sustainable urban development directly (Interviewee 11, 2024). This has allowed for innovative zoning policies, such as requiring wood construction in specific areas and offering incentives for energy-efficient buildings. However, implementation challenges remain in the transport sector, where car dependency and budget constraints limit a rapid transition to sustainable mobility (Interviewee 11, 2024).
Oulu faces greater challenges in mobilising its climate plans. While the city has ambitious climate targets, political opposition to regulating car use and controlling urban sprawl has slowed progress (Interviewee 17, 2024). Oulu has successfully implemented energy efficiency measures in municipal buildings and housing, but land use planning remains a challenge, as low-density development continues to spread into rural areas (City of Oulu, 2016). Furthermore, the city's transport planning lacks a clear political mandate, delaying decisions on public transport expansion (Interviewee 17, 2024). Despite these obstacles, Oulu has successfully expanded its cycling infrastructure and now boasts the highest per capita cycling rates in Finland, supported by bike lanes that are maintained in winter (City of Oulu, 2019).